I think it no difficult matter to point out many advantages which will
certainly attend our reconciliation and connection with Great-Britain,
on a firm, constitutional plan. I shall select a few of these; and that
their importance may be more clearly discerned, I shall afterwards point
out some of the evils which inevitably must attend our separating from
Britain, and declaring for independency. On each article I shall study
brevity.
1. By a reconciliation with Britain, a period would be put to the present
calamitous war, by which so many lives have been lost, and so many more
must be lost, if it continues. This alone is an advantage devoutly to he
wished for. This author says - "The blood of the slain, the weeping voice
of nature cries, Tis time to part." I think they cry just the reverse.
The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries - It is time to
be reconciled; it is time to lay aside those animosities which have
pushed on Britons to shed the blood of Britons; it is high time that
those who are connected by the endearing ties of religion, kindred and
country, should resume their former friendship, and be united in the
bond of mutual atfection, as their interests are inseparably united.
2. By a Reconciliation with Great-Britain, Peace - that fairest offspring
and gift of Heaven - will be restored. In one respect Peace is like
health; we do not sufficiently know its value but by its absence. What
uneasiness and anxiety, what evils, has this short interruption of peace
with the parent-state, brought on the whole British empire! Let every
man only consult his feelings - I except my antagonist - and it will
require no great force of rhetoric to convince him, that a removal of
those evils, and a restoration of peace, would be a singular advantage
and blessing.
3. Agriculture, commerce, and industry would resume their
wonted vigor. At present, they languish and droop, both here and in
Britain; and must continue to do so, while this unhappy contest remains
unsettled.
4. By a connection with Great-Britain, our trade would still
have the protection of the greatest naval power in the world. England
has the advantage, in this respect, of every other state, whether of
ancient or modern times. Her insular situation, her nurseries for
seamen, the superiority of those seamen above others-these circumstances
to mention no other, combine to make her the first maritime power in the
universe -- such exactly is the power whose protection we want for our
commerce. To suppose, with our author, that we should have no war, were
we to revolt from England, is too absurd to deserve a confutation. I
could just as soon set about refuting the reveries of some brain-sick
enthusiast. Past experience shews that Britain is able to defend our
commerce, and our coasts; and we have no reason to doubt of her being
able to do so for the future.
5. The protection of our trade, while
connected with Britain, will not cost a fiftieth part of what it must
cost, were we ourselves to ralse a naval force sufficient for this
purpose.
6. Whilst connected with Great-Britain, we have a bounty on
almost every article of exportation; and we may be better supplied with
goods by her, than we could elsewhere. What our author says is true;
"that our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will;" but
we may buy them dearer, and of worse quality, in one place than another.
The manufactures of Great-Britain confessedly surpass any in the world -
particularly those in every kind of metal, which we want most; and no
country can afford linens and woollens, of equal quality cheaper.
7. When a Reconciliation is effected, and things return into the old channel, a
few years of peace will restore everything to its pristine state.
Emigrants will flow in as usual from the different parts of Europe.
Population will advance with the same rapid progress as formerly, and
our lands will rise in value.
These advantages are not imaginary but real. They are such as we have
already experienced; and such as we may derive from a connection with
Great Britain for ages to come. Each of these might easily be enlarged
on, and others added to them; but I only mean to suggest a few hints to
the reader.
Let us now, if you please, take a view of the other side of the
question. Suppose we were to revolt from Great-Britain, declare
ourselves Independent, and set up a Republic of our own-what would be
the consequence? - I stand aghast at the prospect - my blood runs chill
when I think of the calamities, the complicated evils that must ensue,
and may be clearly foreseen - it is impossible for any man to foresee
them all...
1. All our property throughout the continent would be unhinged; the
greatest confusion, and most violent convulsions would take place. It
would not he here, as it was in England at the Revolution in 1688. That
revolution was not brought about by an defiance or disannulling the
right of succession. James II, by abdicating the throne, left it vacant
for the next in succession; acordingly his eldest daughter and her
husband stept in. Every other matter went on in the usual, regular way;
and the constitution, instead of being dissolved, was strengthened. But
in case of our revolt, the old constitution would be totally subverted.
The common bond that tied us together, and by which our property was
secured, would be snapt asunder. It is not to be doubted but our
Congress would endeavor to apply some remedy for those evils; but with
all deference to that respectable body, I do not apprehend that any
remedy in their power would be adequate, at least for some time. I do
not chuse to be more explicit; but l am able to support my opinion.
2. What a horrid situation would thousands be reduced to who have taken the
oath of allegiance to the King: yet contrary to their oath, as well as
inclination, must be compelled to renounce that allegiance, or abandon
all their property in America! How many thousands more would be reduced
to a similar situation; who, although they took not that oath, yet would
think it inconsistent with their duty and a good conscience to renounce
their Sovereign; I dare say these will appear trifling difficulties to
our author; but whatever he may think, there are thousands and thousands
who would sooner lose all they had in the world, nay life itself, than
thus wound their conscience. A Declaration of Independency would
infallibiy disunite and divide the colonists.
3. By a Declaration for
Independency, every avenue to an accommodation with Great-Britain would
be closed; the sword only could then decide the quarrel; and the sword
would not be sheathed till one had conquered the other.
The importance of these colonies to Britain need not be enlarged on, it
is a thing so universally known. The greater their importance is to her,
so much the more obstinate will her struggle be not to lose them. The
independency of America would, in the end, deprive her of the
West-Indies, shake her empire to the foundation, and reduce her to a
state of the most mortifying insignificance. Great-Britain therefore
must, for her own preservation, risk every thing, and exert her whole
strength, to prevent such an event from taking place. This being the
case --
4. Devastation and ruin must mark the progress of this war along
the sea coast of America. Hitherto, Britain has not exerted her power.
Her number of troops and ships of war here at present, is very little
more than she judged expedient in time of peace - the former does not
amount to 12,000 men - nor the latter to 40 ships, including frigates.
Both she, and the colonies, hoped for and expected an accommodation;
neither of them has lost sight of that desirable object. The seas have
been open to our ships; and although some skirmishes have unfortunately
had pened, yet a ray of hope still cheered both sides that, peace was
not distant. But as soon as we declare for independency, every prospect
of this kind must vanish. Ruthless war, with all its aggravated horrors,
will ravage our once happy land-our seacoasts and ports will be ruined,
and our ships taken. Torrents of blood will be split, and thousands
reduced to beggary and wretchedness.
This melancholy contest would last till one side conquered. Supposing
Britain to be victorious; however high my opinion is of British
Generosity, I should be exceedingly sorry to receive terms from her in
the haughty tone of a conqueror. Or supposing such a failure of her
manufactures, commerce and strength, that victory should incline to the
side of America; yet who can say in that case, what extremities her
sense of resentment and self-preservation will drive Great-Britain to?
For my part, I should not in the least be surprized, if on such a
prospect as the Independency of America, she would parcel out this
continent to the different European Powers. Canada might be restored to
France, Florida to Spain, with additions to each-other states also might
come in for a portion. Let no man think this chimerical or improbable.
The independency of America would be so fatal to Britain, that she would
leave nothing in her power undone to prevent it. I believe as firmly as
I do my own existence, that if every other method failed, she would try
some such expedient as this, to disconcert our scheme of independency;
and let any man figure to himself the situation of these British
colonies, if only Canada were restored to France!
5. But supposing once
more that we were able to cut off every regiment that Britain can spare
or hire, and to destroy every ship she can send - that we could beat off
any other European power that would presume to intrude upon this
continent: Yet, a republican form of government would neither suit the
genius of the people, nor the extent of America.
In nothing is the wisdom of a legislator more conspicuous than in
adapting his government to the genius, manners, disposition and other
circumstances of the people with whom he is concerned. If this important
point is overlooked, confusion will ensue; his system will sink into
neglect and ruin. Whatever check or barriers may be interposed, nature
will always surmount them, and finally prevail. It was chiefly by
attention to this circumstance, that Lycurgus and Solon were so much
celebrated; and that their respective republics rose afterwards to such
eminence, and acquired such stability.
The Americans are properly Britons. They have the manners, habits, and
ideas of Britons; and have been accustomed to a similar form of
government. But Britons never could bear the extremes, either of
monarchy or republicanism. Some of their Kings have aimed at despotism;
but always failed. Repeated efforts have been made towards democracy,
and they equally failed. Once indeed republicanism triumphed over the
constitution; the despotism of one person ensued; both were finally
expelled. The inhabitants of Great-Britain were quite anxious for the
restoration of royalty in 1660, as they were for its expulsion in 1642,
and for some succeeding years. If we may judge of future events by past
transactions, in similar circumstances, this would most probably be the
case if America, were a republican form of government adopted in our
present ferment. After much blood was shed, those confusions would
terminate in the despotism of some one successful adventurer; and should
the Americans be so fortunate as to emancipate themselves from that
thraldom, perhaps the whole would end in a limited monarchy, after
shedding as much more blood. Limited monarchy is the form of government
which is most favourable to liberty - which is best adapted to the
genius and temper of Britons; although here and there among us a
crack-brained zealot for democracy or absolute monarchy, may be
sometimes found.
Besides the unsuitableness of the republican form to the genius of the
people, America is too extensive for it. That form may do well enough
for a single city, or small territory; but would be utterly improper for
such a continent as this. America is too unwieldy for the feeble,
dilatory administration of democracy. Rome had the most extensive
dominions of any ancient republic. But it should be remembered, that
very soon after the spirit of conquest carried the Romans beyond the
limits that were proportioned to their constitution, they fell under a
despotic yoke. A very few years had elapsed from the time of their
conquering Greece and first entering Asia, till the battle of Pharsalia,
where Julius Caesar put an end to the liberties of his country...
But here it may be said - That all the evils above specified, are more
tolerable than slavery. With this sentiment I sincerely agree - any
hardships, however great, are preferable to slavery. But then I ask, is
there no other alternative in the present case? Is there no choice left
us but slavery, or those evils? I am confident there is; and that both
may be equally avoided. Let us only shew a disposition to treat or
negociate in earnest - let us fall upon some method to set a treaty or
negociation with Great Britain on foot; and if once properly begun,
there is moral certainty that this unhappy dispute will be settled to
the mutual satisfaction and interest of both countries. For my part, I
have not the least doubt about it...
But a Declaration for Independency on the part of America, would
preclude treaty intirely; and could answer no good purpose. We actually
have already every advantage of Independency, without its
inconveniences. By a Declaration of Independency, we should instantly
lose all assistance from our friends in England. It would stop their
mouths; for were they to say any thing in our favour, they would be
deemed rebels, and treated accordingly.
Our author is much elated with the prospect of foreign succour, if we
once declare ourselves Independent; and from thence promiseth us mighty
matters. This, no doubt, is intended to spirit up the desponding - all
who might shrink at the thought of America encountering, singly and
unsupported, the whole strength of Great-Britain. I believe in my
conscience, that he is as much mistaken in this, as in any thing else;
and that this expectation is delusive, vain and fallacious. My reasons
are these, and I submit them to the reader's judgment.
The only European power from which we can possibly receive assistance,
is France. But France is now at peace with Great-Britain; and is it
possible that France would interrupt that peace, and hazard a war with
the power which lately reduced her so low, from a disinterested motive
of aiding and protecting these Colonies?
It is well known that some of the French and Spanish Colonists, not long
since, offered to put themselves under the protection of England, and
declare themselves Independent of France and Spain; but England rejected
both offers. The example would be rather dangerous to states that have
colonies - to none could it be more so than to France and Spain, who
have so many and such extensive colonies. "The practice of courts are as
much against us" in this, as in the instance our author mentions. Can
any one imagine, that because we declared ourselves Independent of
England, France would therefore consider us as really Independent! And
before England had acquiesced, or made any effort worth mentioning to
reduce us? Or can any one be so weak as to think, that France would run
the risque of a war with England, unless she (France) were sure of some
extraordinary advantage by it, in having the colonies under her
immediate jurisdiction? If England will not protect us for our trade,
surely France will not...
America is far from being yet in a desperate situation. I am confident
she may obtain honourable and advantageous terms from Great-Britain. A
few years of peace will soon retrieve all her losses. She will rapidly
advance to a state of maturity, whereby she may not only repay the
parent state amply for all past benefits; but also lay under the
greatest obligations...
However distant humanity may wish the period; yet, in the rotation of
human affairs, a period may arrive, when (both countries being prepared
for it) some terrible disaster, some dreadful convulsion in
Great-Britain, may transfer the seat of empire to this western
hemisphere - where the British constitution, like the Phoenix from its
parent's ashes, shall rise with youthful vigour and shine with redoubled
splendor.
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