It is with reluctance that I rise to express a disapprobation of any
one article of the plan for which we are so much obliged to the
honorable gentlemen who laid it before us. From its first reading I have
borne a good will to it, and, in general, wished it success. In this
particular of salaries to the executive branch, I happen to differ; and,
as my opinion may appear new and chimerical, it is only from a
persuasion that it is right, and from a sense of duty, that I hazard it.
The committee will judge of my reasons when they have heard them, and
their judgment may possibly change mine. I think I see inconveniences in
the appointment of salaries; I see none in refusing them, but, on the
contrary, great advantages.
Sir, there are two passions which have a powerful influence in
the affairs of men. These are ambition and avarice; the love of power
and the love of money. Separately, each of these has great force in
prompting men to action; but, when united in view of the same object,
they have, in many minds, the most violent effects. Place before the
eyes of such men a post of honor, that shall, at the same time, be a
place of profit, and they will move heaven and earth to obtain it. The
vast number of such places it is that renders the British Government so
tempestuous. The struggles for them are the true source of all those
factions which are perpetually dividing the nation, distracting its
councils, hurrying it sometimes into fruitless and mischievous wars, and
often compelling a submission to dishonorable terms of peace.
And of what kind are the men that will strive for this profitable
pre-eminence, through all the bustle of cabal, the heat of contention,
the infinite mutual abuse of parties, tearing to pieces the best of
characters? It will not be the wise and moderate, the lovers of peace
and good order, the men fittest for the trust. It will be the bold and
the violent, the men of strong passions and indefatigable activity in
their selfish pursuits. These will thrust themselves into your
government, and be your rulers. And these, too, will be mistaken in the
expected happiness of their situation, for their vanquished competitors,
of the same spirit, and from the same motives, will perpetually be
endeavoring to distress their administration, thwart their measures, and
render them odious to the people.
Besides these evils, sir, though we may set out in the beginning
with moderate salaries, we shall find that such will not be of long
continuance. Reasons will never be wanting for proposed augmentations;
and there will always be a party for giving more to the rulers, that the
rulers may be able, in return, to give more to them. Hence, as all
history informs us, there has been in every state and kingdom a constant
kind of warfare between the governing and the governed; the one striving
to obtain more for its support, and the other to pay less. And this has
alone occasioned great convulsions, actual civil wars, ending either in
dethroning of the princes or enslaving of the people. Generally, indeed,
the ruling power carries its point, and we see the revenues of princes
constantly increasing, and we see that they are never satisfied, but
always in want of more. The more the people are discontented with the
oppression of taxes, the greater need the prince has of money to
distribute among his partisans, and pay the troops that are to suppress
all resistance, and enable him to plunder at pleasure. There is scarce a
king in a hundred, who would not, if he could, follow the example of
Pharaoh, - get first all the people's money, then all their lands, and
then make them and their children servants forever. It will be said that
we do not propose to establish kings. I know it. But there is a natural
inclination in mankind to kingly government. It sometimes relieves them
from aristocratic domination. They had rather have one tyrant than five
hundred. It gives more of the appearance of equality among citizens; and
that they like. I am apprehensive, therefore, - perhaps too
apprehensive, - that the government of these States may, in future
times, end in a monarchy. But this catastrophe, I think, may be long
delayed, if in our proposed system we do not sow the seeds of
contention, faction, and tumult, by making our posts of honor places of
profit. If we do, I fear that, though we employ at first a number and
not a single person, the number will, in time, be set aside; it will
only nourish the foetus of a king (as the honorable gentleman from
Virginia very aptly expressed it), and a king will the sooner be set
over us.
It may be imagined by some that this is an Utopian idea, and that
we can never find men to serve us in the executive department without
paying them well for their services. I conceive this to be a mistake.
Some existing facts present themselves to me which incline me to a
contrary opinion. The high sheriff of a county in England is an
honorable office, but it is not a profitable one. It is rather
expensive, and therefore not sought for. But yet it is executed, and
well executed, and usually by some of the principal gentlemen of the
county. In France, the office of counselor, or member of their judiciary
parliaments, is more honorable. It is therefore purchased at a high
price; there are, indeed, fees on the law proceedings, which are divided
among them, but these fees do not amount to more than three per cent. on
the sum paid for the place. Therefore, as legal interest is there at
five per cent., they, in fact pay two per cent. for being allowed to do
the judiciary business of the nation, which is, at the same time,
entirely exempt from the burthen of paying them any salaries for their
services. I do not, however, mean to recommend this as an eligible mode
for our judiciary department. I only bring the instance to show that the
pleasure of doing good and serving their country, and the respect such
conduct entitles them to, are sufficient motives with some minds to give
up a great portion of their time to the public, without the mean
inducement of pecuniary satisfaction.
Another instance is that of a respectable society who have made
the experiment and practiced it with success now more than a hundred
years. I mean the Quakers. It is an established rule with them that they
are not to go to law, but in their controversies they must apply to
their monthly, quarterly, and yearly meetings. Committees of these sit
with patience to hear the parties, and spend much time in composing
their differences. In doing this, they are supported by a sense of duty
and the respect paid to usefulness. It is honorable to be so employed,
but it was never made profitable by salaries, fees, or perquisites. And,
in deed, in all cases of public service, the less the profit, the
greater the honor.
To bring the matter nearer home, have we not seen the greatest
and most important of our offices, that of general of our armies,
executed for eight years together, without the smallest salary, by a
patriot whom I will not now offend by any other praise; and this,
through fatigues and distresses, in common with the other brave men, his
military friends and companions, and the constant anxieties peculiar to
his station? And shall we doubt finding three or four men in all the
United States with public spirit enough to bear sitting in peaceful
council, for, perhaps, an equal term, merely to preside over our civil
concerns, and see that our laws are duly executed? Sir, I have a better
opinion of our country. I think we shall never be without a sufficient
number of wise and good men to undertake and execute well and faithfully
the office in question.
Sir, the saving of the salaries, that may at first be proposed,
is not an object with me. The subsequent mischiefs of proposing them are
what I apprehend. And, therefore, it is that I move the amendment. If it
be not seconded or accepted, I must be contented with the satisfaction
of having delivered my opinion frankly and done my duty.
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