Whenever the political laws of the United States are to be discussed, it
is with the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people that we must
begin.
The principle of the sovereignty of the people, which is to be
found, more or less, at the bottom of almost all human institutions,
generally remains concealed from view. It is obeyed without being
recognized, or if for a moment it be brought to light, it is hastily
cast back into the gloom of the sanctuary.
"The will of the nation" is one of those expressions which have
been most profusely abused by the wily and the despotic of every age. To
the eyes of some it has been represented by the venal suffrages of a few
of the satellites of power; to others, by the votes of a timid or an
interested minority; and some have even discovered it in the silence of
a people, on the supposition that the fact of submission established the
right of command.
In America, the principle of the sovereignty of the people is not
either barren or concealed, as it is with some other nations; it is
recognized by the customs and proclaimed by the laws; it spreads freely,
and arrives without impediment at its most remote consequences. If there
be a country in the world where the doctrine of the sovereignty of the
people can be fairly appreciated, where it can be studied in its
application to the affairs of society, and where its dangers and its
advantages may be foreseen, that country is assuredly America.
I have already observed that, from their origin, the sovereignty
of the people was the fundamental principle of the greater number of the
British colonies in America. It was far, however, from then exercising
as much influence on the government of society as it now does. Two
obstacles, the one external, the other internal, checked its invasive
progress.
It could not ostensibly disclose itself in the laws of the
colonies, which were still constrained to obey the mother-country; it
was therefore obliged to spread secretly, and to gain ground in the
provincial assemblies, and especially in the townships.
American society was not yet prepared to adopt it with all its
consequences. The intelligence of New England, and the wealth of the
country to the south of the Hudson (as I have shown in the preceding
chapter), long exercised a sort of aristocratic influence, which tended
to limit the exercise of social authority within the hands of a few. The
public functionaries were not universally elected, and the citizens were
not all of them electors. The electoral franchise was everywhere placed
within certain limits, and made dependent on a certain qualification,
which was exceedingly low in the north, and more considerable in the
south.
The American Revolution broke out, and the doctrine of the
sovereignty of the people, which had been nurtured in the townships,
took possession of the State; every class was enlisted in its cause;
battles were fought, and victories obtained for it; until it became the
law of laws.
A scarcely less rapid change was effected in the interior of
society, where the law of descent completed the abolition of local
influences.
At the very time when this consequence of the laws and of the
Revolution became apparent to every eye, victory was irrevocably
pronounced in favor of the democratic cause. All power was, in fact, in
its hands, and resistance was no longer possible. The higher orders
submitted without a murmur and without a struggle to an evil which was
thenceforth inevitable. The ordinary fate of falling powers awaited
them; each of their several members followed his own interest; and as it
was impossible to wring the power from the hands of a people which they
did not detest sufficiently to brave, their only aim was to secure its
good-will at any price. The most democratic laws were consequently voted
by the very men whose interests they impaired; and thus, although the
higher classes did not excite the passions of the people against their
order, they accelerated the triumph of the new state of things; so that,
by a singular change, the democratic impulse was found to be most
irresistible in the very States where the aristocracy had the firmest
hold.
The State of Maryland, which had been founded by men of rank, was
the first to proclaim universal suffrage, and to introduce the most
democratic forms into the conduct of its government.
When a nation modifies the elective qualification, it may easily
be foreseen that sooner or later that qualification will be entirely
abolished. There is no more invariable rule in the history of society:
the farther electoral rights are extended, the more is felt the need of
extending them; for after each concession the strength of the democracy
increases, and its demands increase with its strength. The ambition of
those who are below the appointed rate is irritated in exact proportion
to the great number of those who are above it. The exception at last
becomes the rule, concession follows concession, and no stop can be made
short of universal suffrage.
At the present day the principle of the sovereignty of the people
has acquired, in the United States, all the practical development which
the imagination can conceive. It is unencumbered by those fictions which
have been thrown over it in other countries, and it appears in every
possible form according to the exigency of the occasion. Sometimes the
laws are made by the people in a body, as at Athens; and sometimes its
representatives, chosen by universal suffrage, transact business in its
name, and almost under its immediate control.
In some countries a power exists which, though it is in a degree
foreign to the social body, directs it, and forces it to pursue a
certain track. In others the ruling force is divided, being partly
within and partly without the ranks of the people. But nothing of the
kind is to be seen in the United States; there society governs itself
for itself. All power centers in its bosom; and scarcely an individual
is to be met with who would venture to conceive, or, still more, to
express, the idea of seeking it elsewhere. The Nation participates in
the making of its laws by the choice of its legislators, and in the
execution of them by the choice of the agents of the Executive
Government; it may almost be said to govern itself, so feeble and so
restricted is the share left to the Administration, so little do the
authorities forget their popular origin and the power from which they
emanate.
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